In this squib, we propose a new generalization concerning the structural relationship between theta assigners and heads showing morpho-phonologically overt agreement, when the two interact with the same argument DP. This structural generalization bears directly on the proper modeling of syntactic agreement, as well as the prospects for reducing other syntactic (and syntacto-semantic) dependencies to the same underlying mechanism. (This work began as Section 7 of the unpublished manuscript “Agreement and semantic concord: a spurious unification,” but has now been expanded into a standalone squib.)
The squib can be downloaded here.
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